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Tanzania: This Day in Tanzania’s Political History

TODAY’S date is April 22nd, 2021. It is precisely on this date, 22nd April in 1964, that the “Articles of Union” (for the purpose of establishing a political union between the then Republic of Tanganyika, and the then People’s Republic of Zanzibar) were signed by the then presidents of these two countries, President Mwalimu Julius Nyerere of the Republic of Tanganyika; and President Abeid Amani Karume of the people’s Republic of Zanzibar.

Hence, for the useful purpose of keeping our new generation of Tanzanians well informed about the country’s political history; we will devote today’s article to that historic event, which, significantly, enabled the two separate countries to willingly abandon their separate sovereignties in order to form one new sovereign state, the United Republic of Tanzania. The background to this unification: the underlying reasons.

The full story of this unification is told in my book titled ‘Historia ya Muungano wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar’ (Tanzania Educational Publishers, Bukoba, Tanzania, 2019); in which I have quoted that part of President Nyerere’s speech to the Tanganyika Parliament on 25th April, 1964; which discloses one of the underlying reasons for the formation of our union as being “tamaa kubwa sana ya umoja katika Afrika, na mioyo ya Waafrika kuwa na shauku kubwa ya ajabu ya kuungana tuwe kitu kimoja”.

Both Presidents Nyerere and Karume, were known to be very strong believers in the need for African unity, as confirmed by their separate speeches delivered on different separate occasions.

And indeed, some concrete steps were being taken in different zones of Africa, for the achievement of that noble goal. For example, in the West African zone, steps had been taken to unite Ghana, Guinea and Mali.

The countries of Senegal and Gambia had also formed a union, which produced a country called Senegambia. And in North Africa, the Arab country of Egypt united with Syria, to form what became The United Arab Republic (UAR), in February 1958.

In the East African Zone, serious talks were taking place for the purpose of forming an East African Federation comprising the countries of Tanganyika, Kenya, and Uganda; when in June, 1963, a joint statement which was issued by the Presidents of Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda, announcing their firm intention to establish the East African Federation before the end of that year.

However, It is most unfortunate that eventually, all these unification successes in West Africa and North Africa could not survive, and the countries that had united, subsequently disintegrated.

Similarly, the grand plan for the formation of the East African Federation, was also subsequently frustrated, and totally failed to be realised. There is, however, the refreshing success story of the ‘Cameroon Federation’ in West Africa.

Cameroon’s history shows that it had previously been a German colony up to the outbreak of the Second World War. But as a result of Germany’s defeat in that war, Cameroon was ‘awarded’ to Britain and France, after it had first been chopped into two separate countries of East Cameroon which was given to Britain and became known as “British Cameroon”; and West Cameroon, which was given to France and became known as “French Cameroon”.

When both these countries obtained their independence, they agreed to unite and form one sovereign country, the Federal Republic of Cameroon, on 1st October, 1961.

The good news is that the Federal Republic of Cameroon has survived, and still exists today, despite having gone through what would appear to have been ‘insurmountable’ problems of striking differences in their ‘political cultures’ inherited from their previous colonial masters, including their official languages, and even their systems of education.

The failure to form the East African Federation became apparent during the period of time when the glorious Zanzibar revolution of January 1964 had brought President Abeid Amani Karume into power.

But in those early days of its existence, the Zanzibar Revolutionary government was still fragile, and apprehensive at the possibility of a counter revolution being organised against it by the grieving supporters of the ousted Sultan’s government.

This specific factor, considered together with the other factors (of the desire for African unity) mentioned above, created very favourable and fertile grounds for Presidents Nyerere and Karume, to easily reach agreement on the unification of their two countries, which is what led to the historic signing of the said “articles of Union” on today’s date in 1964.

There were, of course, other equally cogent reasons which facilitated the smooth achievement of this Agreement. These were similarly disclosed by President Nyerere in his speech to the Tanganyika Parliament referred to above, when he said the following:- “Tanganyika na Zanzibar ni nchi ndugu.

Tunashirikiana kwa historia, lugha, mila, tabia na siasa. Udugu wa Afro-Shirazi Party na TANU, wote mnaufahamu; na udugu wa vioungozi wa vyama hivi viwili, haukuanza jana.

Basi, tunazo sababu zote hizo za kutufanya tuungane na kuwa kitu kimoja.” The actual process of this unification Out of a genuine apprehension that this unification process could be frustrated by the hidden ‘enemies’ of unity, the two Presidents had apparently agreed on the ‘strategy of absolute secrecy’ in the conduct of their negotiations.

This ‘secrecy strategy’ was wholly successful, in addition facilitated by the fact that the only mass media that was in existence at that time was all controlled by the government, and the ruling party TANU; a factor which made it possible to control the information that was released for public consumption.

For example, even on the day itself when President Nyerere went to Zanzibar for the unification Agreement on 22nd April 1964; the TANU English language daily publication, The Nationalist, misrepresented the purpose of President Nyerere’s visit to Zanzibar on that day, falsely claiming that it was only intended “to establish the first personal contact between President Nyerere and President Karume, which will be the first such contact since President Karume’s assumption of power in January”.

Similarly, the Secretary of the Zanzibar Revolutionary Council, one Salim Rashid, issued a statement in Zanzibar, also claiming that “tumemkaribisha Rasi Nyerere kuzuru Zanzibar kwa moyo mkunjufu, kwani watu wa nchi hizi mbili wakati wote wamekuwa marafiki na wenye ukaribu sana.

Kwa hiyo ni dhahiri kwamba ni jambo zuri kwa viongozi wetu wakuu kukutana mara kwa mara, ili kujadili matatizo yetu yanayofanana”.

Thus, it was not until the evening of that day (after the unification Agreement had already been signed) that this secret was officially terminated through a government statement which was released from Ikulu in Da es Salaam, notifying the general public that:- “Rais Julius Nyerere wa Jamhuri ya Tanganyika, na Rais Abeid Amani Karume wa Jamhuri ya watu wa Zanzibar, leo wamesaini Mkataba wa makubaliano (Articles of Union) wa kuunda Muungano baina ya Tanganyika na Zanzibar. Makubaliano hayo ni sharti yaridhiwe na Serikali zote mbili, pamoja na Mabunge ya nchi zote mbili”.

The inclusion in that statement of the words that “makubaliano hayo ni sharti yaridhiwe na serikali zote mbili”, provides additional evidence of the great secrecy which surrounded this whole process, for it shows that even their respective governments were not involved in this process, thus making it necessary for them to ratify that Agreement in order to signify their consent to it.

But, on the other hand, its ratification by the Legislatures of the two countries was a statutory requirement, because of its basic nature of being an international Agreement.

The process of ratification by the two Legislatures I was Katibu wa Bunge (Clerk of the National Assembly) at the material time; thus, I became closely and directly involved in that process. My involvement started on Tuesday, 20th April, 1964, when I was summoned to Ikulu to see President Nyerere.

He started by asking me how quickly I could assemble the members of Parliament in Dar es Salaam for an urgent meeting of Parliament. I replied that I could have them all in Dar es Salaam by Friday 23rd.

He appeared satisfied by that reply, and directed me to go ahead and bring them by that date. But, presumably because of the great secrecy surrounding that event, the President did not tell me why there was a need for that urgent meeting.

On Friday 23rd, I reported back to the President that all the MPs were already assembled as required. That is when he told me to make arrangements for the expected meeting to be held in the afternoon of the next day, Saturday 24th, 1964; and also that he would come himself to address the House.

He told me further, that the meeting has to be held in the afternoon; because he and President Karume had agreed that the Zanzibar Legislature (the Revolutionary Council) should be the first to ratify that Agreement. At precisely 5.10 p.m; President Nyerere arrived at Karimjee Hall.

The MPs were evidently excited; because of not knowing why they had been summoned so suddenly and so urgently; at a time when the House had been adjourned to a different later date.

The President’s speech fully satisfied their expectations and excitement, when he asked them to ratify the Union Agreement, which they readily obliged.

The ‘Articles of Union’ had provided that the Union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar would take effect on “the day following the ratification of this Agreement”.

Thus, by operation of that article, the next day (Sunday 26th April, 1964), became, without furthermore ado, our “Union Day”; which we have continued to celebrate happily on that date every year for the last 56 years; and, hopefully, which our future generations will continue to do, ad infinitum.

This is indeed a reasonable hope, which is based on the provisions of the Act of Parliament which ratified that Agreement (no 22 of 1964); which provides thus in section 4 thereof: “The Republic of Tanganyika and the People’s Republic of Zanzibar shall, upon Union Day, and ever thereafter, be united into one sovereign Republic by the name of the United Republic of Tanzania”.

The words ” and ever after” carry exactly the same meaning as “ad infinitum” Postscript. The recent death of Queen Elizabeth’s husband Prince Phillip, the Duke of Edinburgh, and President Samia Suluhu Hassan’s sending (on behalf of the government and all the people of Tanzania) of a message of condolence to the bereaved Queen Elizabeth, reminded me of the important role which the late Prince Phillip played during Tanganyika’s independence celebrations in December 1961; in which he represented Queen Elizabeth. Under the colonial administration’s constitutional arrangements, Queen Elizabeth was Tanganyika’s Head of State and Government.

Thus, the choice of her husband to represent her was generally regarded as a kind of favoured treatment, or soft heart, for Tanganyika.

In that representative capacity, Prince Phillip firstly attended the midnight ceremony of officially lowering the British flag for the last time on Tanganyika’s soil, and proudly raising the Tanganyika flag at the national stadium, to signify the granting of UHURU to Tanganyika.

Secondly, in the morning of the next day, he handed over the “instruments of independence” to Prime Minister Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, signifying the official transfer of sovereignty to Tanganyika from Britain.

And, lastly, performed the ceremonial ‘State opening’ of the first Parliament of Tanganyika, on 11th December, 1961. These were, obviously, important historic events that richly deserve to be preserved as part of our country’s political history.

piomsekwa@gmal.com 0754767576.

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