A Premium Times reporter investigates why Billiri, a Christian-dominated community that had never witnessed a religious crisis, witnessed one in 2021.
Mustapha Alhassan has not resumed his ‘bola’ (trash collection) work in Billiri, nine months after the death of his brother, Danlala.
On the eve of Friday, February 19, Mr Alhassan was attending to sick Danlala, in their room at the junkyard, when a mob surrounded their vicinity.
Mr Alhassan, who said he is still troubled by the incident, said everybody in the premises ran out, except the sick Danlala.
“He was too weak to run”, began Mr Alhassan while narrating his ordeal to PREMIUM TIMES in October. “The protesters burnt the house down with Danlala still inside.”
“At first, we didn’t know he was dead so we started searching for him, hinking he had also run out. But the search party found his body lying in the rubble of the bed in our room. It was burnt beyond recognition,” he said.
Christians and Muslims have co-existed peacefully for decades in Billiri, Billiri Local Government Area of Gombe State in North-east Nigeria.
But the relationship now rests on a knife’s edge after a violent crisis early this year over the appointment of the new traditional ruler for the Tangale ethnic group.
Between February 17 and 20, scores of protesters from Billiri and neighbouring towns blocked the Gombe-Yola highway, accusing Governor Inuwa Yahaya of delaying the appointment of the Mai Tangale. They suspected the delay was because the governor wanted to appoint someone other than the man who they said got the highest number of votes from the kingmakers in the selection process.
The obstruction of traffic by the protesters left people travelling between Adamawa, Taraba, Benue and other parts of the country stranded on the highway.
But the street protests soon snowballed into a full-blown violent crisis.
Danlala, Mr Alhassan’s brother, was one of the seven persons killed and their house was among the over 475 structures destroyed, a committee set up by the governor in April after the mayhem, later found. The Committee of Assessment of Damages in the Billiri Crisis was asked to investigate the root causes of the violence and take account of human and material losses.
Adamu Dishi, the chairperson of the committee, while releasing the findings, on June 1, said 41 residential houses, 401 business premises and 33 worship centres were burnt and seven lives were lost to the crisis.
Many Nigerians were baffled by the eruption of the crisis in the agrarian community with President Muhammadu Buhari also issuing a statement to convey his “great shock and deep concern.”
Meanwhile, after the state government imposed a 24-hour curfew, among other measures, including flagging off a compensation plan for victims, calm was restored.
But because communal conflicts in some rural parts of Nigeria often feature a cycle of reprisal attacks, residents say there is still palpable tension in the area especially with a group discontented over the governor’s choice of the ‘Mai Tangale’.
Tangale land: The roots of Billiri
Billiri, one of the oldest settlements of the Tangales in Southern Gombe, is an ethnically plural community. While Christian groups form the majority, there are significant numbers of Muslim Hausas, Muslim Fulani and
traditionalists.
The town is one of the largest in Gombe State and arguably has one of the most educated populations, having produced several prominent people in the state.
The language of the dwellers is Tangale but they also speak Hausa, the common language in northern Nigeria.
According to the book, “Teach Yourself the Tangale Language” by Samuila Kure, Tangale people are believed to have migrated from Yemen through what is today called Borno State.
There are seven clans in Tangale, namely Banganje, Kalmai, Nathe, Tal, Tanglang, Tangaltong, and Todi. Billiri is one of the areas in Tangaltong. The area called Tangaltong includes Billiri, Bare and Kantali.
Communal crisis not new to Billiri
There has been a long-running communal dispute between the people of Billiri and neighbouring Kaltungo and Shongom. Many writers and oral traditions say the dispute was caused by land ownership. There is also a lingering legal battle over land ownership between the Tangale and Kulishin people in Shongom Local Government Area of Kaltungo Chiefdom.
But religion had never been a reason for conflict or an issue in the selection of a new Mai of Tangale, until this last one.
The violent attacks in the area were expressions of bottled resentment in the Mai of Tangale selection process, a PREMIUM TIMES reporter found as he travelled around Billiri and environs for several days in late October. The trigger for the violence was a perception that the governor of the state was biased, in support of a Christian aspirant.
Our investigation included on-the-ground reporting in villages across the area, extensive review and analysis of reports of government panels, graphic pictures obtained from communities and security sources, and interviews with officials, victims, locals and leaders representing Christian, traditional and Islamic religions.
Compensation for victims
In late September, the state government identified 554 victims through the panel of inquiry that was set up. It then approved almost N600 million compensation for those victims.
The state Deputy Governor, Manassah Jatau, who flagged off the payment, said the compensation would be paid in two phases, with the first phase comprising 103 beneficiaries, while 451 victims would be compensated in the
second phase.
Mr Alhassan, Danlala’s brother, said his family was among the beneficiaries of the first phase. “They gave us N5 million for my late brother,” he said.
Many other victims that spoke to our correspondent said they were compensated with up to 80 per cent of the value of their losses.
“Yes they paid but in many instances, the government used old estimates and prices which are no longer obtainable,” Amino Madara, the owner of one of the razed pharmacy shops in Biliri market, said.
The compensation plan also included the rebuilding of places of worship and other public places destroyed during the riots. Those that lost businesses, houses and means of livelihoods and loved ones were given monetary compensations, the authorities said.
Earlier, in February, about a week after the riots, Governor Yahaya called on leaders of both Christian and Muslim groups in an attempt to foster peace and restore permanent calm.
John Joseph, the chairman of the Billiri Local Government Area (LGA) chapter of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), at the event, asked the Muslim community for forgiveness over the violence.
Additionally, some suspects have been arrested and are being prosecuted, Adamu Kupto, the state Commissioner for Internal Security and Ethical Orientation, told PREMIUM TIMES.
Latent Conflict remains
But despite these measures which have largely contributed to the restoration of peace in Billiri, many residents, especially Christians, still carry heavy hearts, saying the governor has altered the traditional process of the people in the choice he made in the selection of the Mai Tangale.
The traditional process involves the kingmakers voting to recommend a candidate to the governor for his approval.
“Let me tell you, this governor is a very wicked governor,” Akula Mai-Kano said, obviously still angry.
Mr Mai-Kano, who holds the title of Mabudin Tangale, accused the governor of orchestrating the crisis.
“He is the one that has brought about this issue in the first place. Before now, Christians and Muslims have been living in peace and harmony. Before the chief died, he had an elder brother, Tafida, who also ruled but is a Muslim. The Christians fought to make sure that Tafida was made chief at that time. The governor was the one that brought the differences in religion,” Mr Mai-Kano, a Christian, said.
“They are saying the Christians are fighting because they want a Christian to rule but we Christians are saying that is not the case. We only want fairness. If a Muslim had won the election even with five votes, I assure you there wouldn’t have been any problem.
“He (the governor) has refused to allow the people to continue with their tradition,” Mr Mai-Kano said.
Simmering tension
Billiri, a commercial town, is usually calm but busy. Businesses and transportation have long resumed as many of the shops and mosques are under reconstruction, our reporter observed during his visit.
But talking to residents and visiting specific areas, it did not take long to realise the calmness masks a simmering tension in the town.
A resident, Mustapha Ahmed, would subsequently confirm the observation.
“Yes, calm has returned but not everyone has forgotten, especially with the way the government handled the selection of the Mai,” he said.
Mr Ahmed, the third Liman of the Billiri mosque, subtly blamed the Christian community for the crisis:
“I think our neighbours who we live together with are the ones who burnt down our houses, markets and mosques.
“The riot started on a Tuesday night and by Wednesday morning, the protesters were burning tyres in the streets and nobody could go to the Kantoma market. All shops were closed,” he recalled.
“As the protests continued till Friday, our leaders advised us not to come out for Friday prayers, so we were all at home. Towards evening, around 5 p.m., the violent attacks started.
“While we were at home we saw thick smoke and then the news came to us that the rioters had attacked and burnt the mosque and Kantoma market. Then everyone started running for his or her lives,” he narrated.
The Islam cleric took this reporter on a tour of some of the sites of the crisis. Most of the destroyed properties were either under construction or already fixed. For instance, the shops at Kantoma Market were still under reconstruction. The mosque that was burnt in front of the palace of Galadiman Tangale was also under construction.
However, the home of a prominent member of the community and a former ambassador, Sa’idu Mohammed, remained in ruins when our reporter visited.
The main building and the mosque were vandalised and burnt down despite the fortified security. Many described the former ambassador as the biggest casualty of the mayhem.
There were no family members available in the house to speak about the incident as the reporter was told the former ambassador was out of the country, addressing health challenges.
“Personally, I lost almost N10 million because they destroyed cars in the palace. Also windows, doors and some of my family clothing and wears,” said Yusuf Galadima, the Galadima of Tangale Chiefdom, who shared how his palace was destroyed.
Accounts of the violence have mainly portrayed the Muslim community as victims. But PREMIUM TIMES’ findings revealed some Christians and foreigners who ply their trades in the community also suffered human and
material losses.
John Panguru, a Christian victim, said he lost properties worth over N23 million. He, however, said he lost those properties because his tenants were predominantly ‘Hausa Muslims.’
“Yes, the crisis equally affected the Christians because more than 30 Christians lost their houses and shops. Both Christians and Muslims died. I think three deaths were recorded among the Christians”, Mr Mai-Kano said.
Mr Mai-Kano could, however, not identify or take the reporter to the families of those he was referring to.
The Controversial Selection Process
Since the inception of the traditional stool of Tangale, there have been 15 Mais that have ruled the seven clans of the ethnic group, out of which 12 were traditionalists and two Muslims.
Despite being the larger population, the Christians have had only one Mai, which is the late Mai Abdu Buba Maisheru II who died early this year. He was also the Chairman of the Association of Northern Christian Traditional Rulers.
The departure from traditionalists as rulers started with the 13th Mai, Ilyasu Maiyamba (a Muslim), who ruled for 35 years (1951-1986) and then the 14th, Muhammadu Tafida Maiyamba (also a Muslim) who ruled for 11 years
(1986-1997) before late Maisheru’s reign (2001-2021). Mr Maisheru was a Christian.
While religion had never been a condition for selecting a Mai, Mr Mai-Kano said, tension started brewing since the selection of the late Mai.
He alleged Idris Maiyamba and not the late king Maisheru had won the first selection process. But that was annulled after some supposed candidates approached the courts, claiming they were marginalised, he said.
“By the time the second election was conducted, Mr Maiyamba, the father of Musa Maiyamba who contested in this recent selection process, had reconverted to Islam, a move that left some kingmakers feeling offended as
it appears the candidates are now giving religious colouration to the seat.
They say before Maiyamba’s initial conversion to Christianity, he came from a royal Muslim family and his grandfather, Iliyasu was elected Mai by mostly Christian kingmakers who never took religion as a prerequisite.
“Consequently, the kingmakers voted for Buba Maisheru II, a Christian, in the second election”, Mr Mai-Kano narrated.
Upon Mai Maisheru’s death, the kingmakers, who are members of the Tangale Traditional Council, called on members of the royal family to indicate interest in contesting for the position.
According to Mr Mai-Kano, after the expression of interest from persons of ‘royal blood’ who were deemed qualified, an election was conducted by the kingmakers. He stated that the kingmakers were nine with seven representing the seven clans of Tangale, including two other senior title holders.
Law of selection
Having taken notice of the divergencies in the selection process of traditional rulers in Gombe, the state assembly in 2020 passed the amended chieftaincy bill into law.
According to officials in the state, the late Maisheru was the person who led traditional rulers to the public hearing and contributed to making the law what it is today.
Part three of the Law, section 9 (a) stipulates that the functions of the Council of Traditional Kingmakers include: “Upon the death, resignation, removal or deposition of an Emir or a Chief, to screen and decide on persons suitably qualified to be appointed as Emir or Chief in accordance with custom or tradition of the Emirate or Chiefdom.”
But the succeeding section 9 (b) makes it even clearer, that this function shall only be “to recommend to the Governor the names of three suitably qualified persons to be recommended as the Emir or Chief” from which the
governor shall appoint the one he finds most suitable.
Upon receiving the three recommended nominees from the kingmakers, the law provides that “The Governor MAY consult the State Council of Chiefs on the appointment of an Emir or a Chief.”
“After the kingmakers had recommended the names of three persons, the governor went into consultations on the suitability or otherwise on each of those three candidates. He came up with the name of one that he felt that is more suitable and appropriate person to be appointed as the next Chief or Mai Tangale,” Zubairu Umar, the state Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice, said.
“This law is saying where an emir or a chief dies, the kingmakers are to sit down after the traditional mourning period is over to look at the candidates who have applied for the seat of the chief. They will now screen all the candidates, they will also present three names who are suitably and qualified princes to the governor for the appointment of one of them as the chief. That is the provision of the law. That has been the provision of the
law even in that of 2004,” he added.
The kingmakers eventually selected Musa Maiyamba, a Christian and son of Idris who contested in the last election; Danladi Maiyamba, a Muslim, and Ahmadu Magaji, also a Muslim. The three names were, therefore, sent to the governor.
Executive delay
Tension started simmering after no word was heard from the governor three days after the nomination of the three princes. Rumours had already gone viral that Musa Maiyamba got the highest votes.
“For many days after the election, no reason was given by the governor as regards why the state government refused to give Maiyamba his appointment letter. What we heard is that the governor doesn’t like him and prefers a Muslim candidate”, said Mr Panguru who holds the title of Garkuwan Tangale.
These allegations against Governor Yahaya reechoed in some other interviews, particularly among the Christians.
The National Christian Elders Forum, led by a former Minister of Defence, Theophilus Danjuma, and other elder statesmen, criticised the alleged planned imposition of a Mai by the governor.
But the state government pushed back, saying Mr Yahaya would not succumb to political and religious pressure in expressing his authority.
At a meeting with the state’s Council of Emirs and Chiefs, religious leaders and non-indigenous communities, Governor Yahaya attributed his delay in the announcement to “proper consultations I had to make so as not to make mistake in the selection.
“I’m telling you in all honesty that I will not surrender my rights and privileges or power as a governor. As a governor, I have the sole authority to install, appoint, or depose any chief or emir in Gombe State. It is not my own making but it is God that made it possible for me with your support that whosoever becomes governor can do whatsoever.
“If he feels he has no conscience and will allow anything to happen, fine and good. But for me, no way. I will do whatever it takes to give you protection, to ensure the spirit of the constitution is implemented to the letter,” he had said after the consultative meeting in February.
False information
Mr Muhammed, the attorney-general, blamed the crisis on false information.
“Well, it will be very unfair for anybody to say that genesis of the crisis was as a result of the delay in the announcement of the next Mai Tangale because, in the same Chiefdom, there was a time there was a delay for
years before the next Mai was appointed. So this is not a delay.
“From our own understanding and from what I believe is the outcome of the judicial commission of inquiry was that there was an unfounded perception which was blown out of proportion by the social media, showing or alleging that the governor or the government was going to appoint somebody who some few people do not want to be appointed or who prefer somebody else. That, I believe, was the genesis of the crisis,” Mr Muhammed said.
“And incidentally after the kingmakers had recommended the names of three persons, the governor went into consultations on the suitability or otherwise of each of those three candidates and he came up with the name of one that he felt is more suitable and appropriate person to be appointed as the next Chief or Mai Tangale. Then some people under the cover of political thinking went into rampage and instigated some women to go and block a major highway and then they were supplying drugs to some people to go into mayhem which caused alot of damage and lives in Billiri,” the attorney-general said.
Unfazed
Amid the protests, the state government on March 3 announced the appointment of Danladi Maiyamba as the new Mai Tangale when the situation was brought under control by security agents.
That was after the state government declared that it would not go ahead with the announcement of the new Mai Tangale unless the protesters clear off the road and allow peace in the area.
Thereafter, the Commissioner, Ministry for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, Ibrahim Jalo, presented an appointment letter to the new Mai Tangle in Poshiya, Billiri.
It took the state government almost three months to announce a new Mai after the death of Buba Maisheru. He died on January 11, the kingmakers sat February 18 to elect a new Mai, same day the crises started with a protest.
The state government imposed a curfew on the same day while the Governor visited the town the next day to meet with religius leaders. A new Mai Tangale was subsequently announced on March 3.
For now, peace has been restored in Biliri as the government tried to heal the wounds from the crisis and the people resumed their livelihoods.
Support for this story was provided by the Center for Democracy and Development (CDD) under its ‘Strengthening the Delivery of Peace and Security (SDPS) project’.